Herder TEK: plant, pasture, and climate knowledge

Forage plant TEK: Free lists yielded 11–24 plants, with 57 taxa across 7 lists. Of these, 26 plants were included in 2 or more lists (Table 1). Lists generated by women and men included similar numbers of plants (average women = 15, average men = 17). Participants shared knowledge of plant uses and ecology through pile sorts, interviews, and surveys. In pile sorts, herders knew most or all plants and sorted them first based on forage value. Other sorting criteria were plant toxicity, plants eaten only under certain conditions (eg when dry or green), plants that cause bloat, preference by specific livestock species, abundance, habitat (eg riparian plants), and nonforage uses (eg firewood).

TABLE 1

Plants elicited via 7 free list activities, listed in order of the cognitive salience index.

Conceptions and indicators of pasture quality—amskou and imurtz: Participants identified various criteria and indicators to distinguish good- and poor-quality pasture (Table 2). The most frequent criteria referenced in both interviews and surveys were expressed in Tashelhit as amskou and imurtz. Amskou is the most important indicator of good or desirable pasture, and imurtz is its opposite. Participants consistently described the meaning of amskou as related to the characteristics of the bedding ground where sheep sleep and their quality of rest. One participant described it as follows:

TABLE 2

Indicators of pasture quality from an open-ended question on a survey of 23 current and former transhumant herders.

One herder described amskou as energy or “waves” associated with particular places. The main way to determine whether a pasture possesses amskou is the performance and comportment of the animals, specifically sheep. Herders described sheep on pastures with amskou as healthy, at ease, playful, and energetic.

Participants repeatedly said that amskou is unrelated to the amount or type of vegetation at a site; even if forage is scarce, if a place has amskou, animals do well. Participants used the term imurtz to describe places where animals do poorly. As one participant said, “If they sleep in a place, and we notice that [the animals] lose weight, and so when they lose weight, we know that we have to move. When they lose weight in a particular place, we call it an imurtz place, a place that's bad for them.”

Observations of environmental change and causes: Most survey participants reported declining pasture conditions compared with 25 years before (Table 3). The most often mentioned causes of pasture change were drought or lack of rain, late rains, intense rain or high runoff, erosion, less snow, more hail, and higher temperatures. Only 2 herders cited overgrazing and 3 mentioned overharvest of azgar (Ziziphus lotus). Several said that God caused the changes, and one thought that the rangelands are “getting old.” Participants varied on whether degraded pastures could recover. Those who believed that pastures could recover discussed increased rainfall and protection from use as mechanisms for recovery and believed pastures could recover in time spans of months to several years.

TABLE 3

Herder observations of changes in pasture conditions over 25 years (1993–2018) (n = 23).

Herders' observations of climate changes over 25 years aligned with their views on the causes pasture change (Table 4). Most observed that rainfall amount declined, rainfall intensity increased, and rainfall duration decreased. Climate data showed a nonsignificant declining trend in total annual precipitation for both High Atlas and Saghro sites. Participants also observed a decrease in snow and declining river flows, lake levels, and spring flow.

TABLE 4

Herder observations of climate changes 1993–2018 as reported in the survey (n = 23), and analysis of climate data over a similar time series (1988–2017).

Participants' observations of temperature changes were more varied (Table 4). Between 22 and 40% of participants observed no change in seasonal temperatures, and some found temperatures cooler now in spring and winter. Yet for all seasons, the largest fraction of respondents observed warmer temperatures. Climate data showed significant warming trends in spring, summer, and mean annual temperatures in the High Atlas and in spring and mean annual temperatures in Saghro. There was a slight, nonsignificant cooling trend in High Atlas winters.

Practices: transhumance

Adapting to spatiotemporal variability: Ilemchane transhumant seasonal pasture use patterns typically follow the availability of forage over the year, adapting specific grazing locations based on annual conditions. Herds winter in the lowlands where rain falls in the fall, supporting winter forage growth. In May, herders “follow the green” as temperatures warm and snow melts in the high mountains, walking their herds upward for 7 to 10 days (Figure 3). Arriving in the high mountain pastures, Ilemchane graze in several areas outside the agdal Ilemchane until the agdal opens in mid-July (Figure 4). They use agdal Ilemchane from July until October and then move back to the Saghro. Herders vary the mountain and Saghro pastures they use depending on each year's forage. In poor years, about 30% of herders reported longer-distance migrations in winter. As one explained:

FIGURE 3

Transhumance from the Saghro Mountain winter pastures to summer grazing in the High Atlas Mountains. (A) Departing the Saghro; (B) camels carry Ilemchane transhumants' belongings; (C) donkeys carry goat kids too young or tired to walk on their own; (D) arrival at the early summer campsite in the High Atlas. (Photos by O. El Aouni)

FIGURE 4

Life in Ilemchane summer pastures in the High Atlas Mountains. (A) Sheep graze early summer pastures outside of agdal Ilemchane; (B) typical Ilemchane azib (stone corral or dwelling) and tent in early summer pastures; (C) Ilemchane transhumants sometimes travel more than 2 hours (round trip) to refill water jugs for domestic use; (D) grasses in agdal Ilemchane grow undisturbed before the July opening of the grazing reserve. (Photos A, B, and D by M. Fernández-Giménez and C by O. El Aouni)

Pastures in Saghro are used in common with other Ait Atta fractions, and those in the High Atlas are used by others as well, except for agdal Ilemchane. When herders move to distant locations, they rely on longstanding relations of reciprocity, not formal access rights. One person goes ahead to scout for pastures. As one transhumant described, “You never ask [permission]. You go and if they accept you, you stay. If not, you move again. . . For example, this year I am going to visit places and afterward decide where to go. Others will stay here. I have to see if there is vegetation or not.”

Although most herders' first response to drought is to move, they also reduce herd size in long droughts (El Aouni 2019). Rarely, they supplement their animals, prioritizing lactating and pregnant females, followed by breeding males.

Rationale for transhumance: For most participants, transhumance is the only life they have ever known, and they lack education or training to do anything else. Herders' second main reason for transhumance is its relative profitability. Transhumants graze their herds on natural vegetation year-round, with minimal supplementation, avoiding the cost of purchased feed. Even accounting for the lower productivity of transhumant flocks, spending less on feed makes transhumance more profitable than settled management (Table 5). On a per-100-animal basis (Moroccan zootechnical unit), assuming identical herd compositions (60% goats and 40% sheep) and accounting for differences in herd productivity, net revenue for middle-distance transhumants (80–200 km/y) is 30% greater and for long-distance transhumants (>200 km/y) is 37% greater than for settled herders. Transhumance also allows larger flocks.

TABLE 5

Annual revenue, expenses, and relative profitability of settled, middle-distance, and long-distance Ilemchane transhumant households per 100 zootechnical units, assuming a herd of 40% sheep and 60% goats for an average year.

Transhumants also see that mobility benefits pasture. As one participant said, “It's good for the pastures because it gives them some rest and also because if you put animals all year round in one place there are no seeds.” Participants recognized both pros and cons to livestock health and productivity. As one said, “It's good for the animals if you go slowly. Don't make the animals go fast. The butcher comes and puts his hand on the back of the animals and says, ‘This one has a lot of kilometers on it.’ The meat won’t be tender.”

Finally, several participants expressed affinity for the transhumant way of life. One woman said, “It’s a good life. [I like] being settled and doing my daily chores, and also the animals. I like the animals when I’m herding and watching them.” A former transhumant who longs to resume that life reminisced, “My mind is still in my azib. I like to go with my sheep. I like the space. Nobody to bother you.” His wife shared:

Challenges of transhumance: Transhumants most often mentioned challenges of remoteness and lack of services, especially in High Atlas summer pastures, which are inaccessible by vehicle and lack cell phone service. One woman shared, “It feels like you fell into a well with no connection to the world.” Participants bemoaned the distance to medical services; one nearly died in childbirth. Most participants had little formal education, especially the women. Today, more children go to school, including girls. This change brings new challenges, because families often must split up, with children staying behind. Women worried about leaving their children in the care of others. Children gain formal education, expanding their livelihood options, but lose the chance to learn herding TEK through observation, practice, and knowledge exchange with elders. Few young people and no unmarried women interviewed wanted to continue transhumance.

Finally, participants reported that transhumant treks on foot are exhausting and dangerous. They described places along their route where animals sometimes fall to their deaths. Some said it is getting harder to find water and pasture along the route, especially where cultivation and settlement are expanding, and that conflicts with people whose lands they pass by have increased.

Institutions: Agdal Ilemchane

Agdal Ilemchane encompasses 2500 ha used only between July 15 and October. Bourbouze (1981) writes that the agdal was granted as a reward by Sidi Said Ahensal, religious founder of Zaouiat Ahensal, to Dada Atta, ancestor of the Ait Atta confederation, in return for military support. In a different account, one interviewee reported that the first 5 Ilemchane families purchased the agdal from the village of Taghia 500 years ago. Interviewees denied that religion plays a role in current agdal management. One interviewee expressed the agdal's purpose as “to allow grass and other plants to grow so animals can eat them in July” (Figure 4D). As such, the agdal is a classic example of the grazing reserve as a storage strategy.

Only men born into the Ilemchane subfraction may use the agdal. Access cannot be gained by marrying an Ilemchane woman. Ilemchane may only bring their own animals to graze; they cannot bring animals of any non-Ilemchane. The agdal is closed from March 25 until the opening date in mid-July. Herders leave in September when the forage runs out and cold weather begins. There is no limit on the number of animals a family may bring or on the total number of animals allowed on the agdal. Each family that brings animals pays a fee that goes toward paying a guard to monitor the agdal. This non-Ilemchane guard is hired from the nearby village. According to interviewees, the number of families using the agdal has declined over time. In the 1980s, some 160 households used the agdal each summer, each bringing 200 sheep and goats. In the 2000s, about 60 households came, bringing an average of 400 animals. Today, fewer than 50 households come, each with about 600 animals.

The agdal is governed by a jmaa (council) made up of a male representative of each household using the agdal. Each year the council chooses a different m'kdem or leader to oversee the agdal. The jmaa selects the m'kdem via discussion (not a vote) at a meeting in Saghro before the spring migration, seeking a person of humility, good reputation, and wealth, in case he needs to pay expenses in advance of collecting fees. The m'kdem's responsibilities include paying the guard and collecting users' fees and fines for violations of agdal rules. Interviewees said that the agdal rules are “very old” and have not changed for centuries, but the amount of the fines sometimes changes. Each year when the jmaa meets, it goes over the rules and agrees on the amount of the fines for that year. When someone does not agree with or repeatedly violates rules, the m'kdem and jmaa may refer that person to the Makhzen (government administration). The person who disagrees may file a complaint with the Makhzen. If a person refuses to pay their fines, the m'kdem can confiscate livestock to cover the fine. Interviewees reported no major conflicts among users but recalled a dispute with another group in the 1980s that closed the agdal for 2 years and ended in a court decision. Since then, only Ilemchane use the agdal.

The Ilemchane use a lottery to allocate azib and water sources to the members each year. Each year the jmaa meets at a central place in the high mountain pastures the day before the agdal opens. At the meeting, each man puts one shoe in the middle of the tent. Someone mixes up the shoes and covers them with a blanket. One man randomly choses shoes from the pile without looking at them. The man whose shoe is picked first is assigned the first azib, and so on. In this way, the allocation of the azib is fair and transparent. This is important because half of the azib are in places with amskou and half are not. After dawn on the following day, families enter the agdal one by one with their flocks, in the order of the lottery, and move toward their assigned azib on a prescribed path.

During the grazing period, several rules guide use of agdal resources. Each azib is associated with a specific water source and the user assigned to a given azib must use only that water source. Upstream water is reserved for drinking and cooking; washing is confined to sites downstream. Wood-gathering areas are assigned to each user, and gathering outside of the assigned area is prohibited. There are specific routes for herd movements; when entering and leaving the agdal, a family must use their assigned route. Blocking another's way when they are moving is prohibited. Violation of any rule is punishable by a fine. Before the opening of the agdal each year, the m'kdem orally recites the rules to the jmaa to remind users of the rules and fines.

Transhumants' views of the future

Participants were pessimistic about the future of transhumance. Most perceived that Ilemchane youth have more options and little interest in continuing transhumance. Some said that the main advantage of transhumance—its profitability—is waning as the cost of transportation increases. In contrast to such pessimism, one interviewee from Ait Bougemez noted that the number of transhumants in his village has recently increased due to the increased availability of nearby high mountain pastures as others leave the sector.

Transhumants suggested several measures to support them in continuing their mobile lifestyle. Transportation support for movement and infrastructure, such as roads; solar panels to provide electricity; and cell phone services to enable communication would make travel and life in remote regions safer and easier, as would mobile schools and clinics. One participant suggested tree planting to halt erosion. Several proposed potential policies, like government subsidies for transhumance. An Ilemchane leader opined that transhumants must organize and form a federation to advocate for their needs: “For sustainable development we need examples, and to organize. They need to organize and lobby if they want help. They are more organized now than in the past.” One woman stated, “The work of the women is harder than men's. They take care of the children, the house, the herds, everything. In every place in the world, there are rights for women, except for here.”

Synthesis: exploring interactions among TEK, practices, and institutions

Figure 5 depicts the observed relationships among Ilemchane biophysical TEK and Ilemchane practices and institutions (ie adaptive strategies). Herders gain plant, rangeland, and climate TEK through interaction over time with the ecosystems they inhabit and use (Figure 5A). This TEK informs practices (Figure 5B), as seen when herders explain the rationales for transhumance and agdal, and describe how amskou, weather, and rangeland conditions drive movement decisions. Herders also observe the outcomes of their practices on ecosystems and livestock (Figure 5C), feeding back to the evolving TEK. For instance, they observe the benefits of grazing reserves and seasonal movement on plant growth and reproduction and the impact of transhumance movements on animal condition. Agdal Ilemchane both arises from TEK and reinforces it via feedback (Figure 5D) as herders note how the agdal benefits rangelands, leading to productive herds. Amskou shapes agdal governance (Figure 5E) via a lottery that ensures equitable access to the best campsites—those with amskou. Finally, the institutions of agdal and customary reciprocal pasture use with other pastoral groups support the practices of transhumance and grazing reserves by creating an incentive to move (access to lush agdal pastures) and opportunity to access distant pastures in drought (via reciprocal use norms) (Figure 5F). We hypothesize that these practices will in turn strengthen institutions (Figure 5G). For example, we expect repeated interactions with distant hosts from other pastoral groups to reinforce social networks of mutual obligation.

FIGURE 5

Conceptual framework applied to the Ilemchane case. Herders gain ecological, plant, and climate TEK through interactions with ecosystems (A). This biophysical TEK informs practices like transhumance and grazing reserves (B). Herders observe how these practices affect ecosystems and livestock (C), further developing TEK. Agdal Ilemchane is founded on and reinforces TEK (D), and the concept of amskou influences agdal governance (E). The institutions of agdal and reciprocal pasture use support practices of transhumance and grazing reserves (F), which in turn are hypothesized to strengthen these institutions (G). See text for further explanation and supporting evidence.

Climate change and sedentarization drive changes in the Ilemchane SES. Herders experience climate change as more frequent droughts, loss of plant species and rangeland productivity, and declining water sources. Mobility, especially distant movements in drought years, remains their main adaptive strategy in the face of these changes. Pressure to settle driven by needs for accessible health, sanitation, education, and communication services threatens the continuity of transhumance, agdal Ilemchane, and the TEK that created and maintains this mountain rangeland management system.