Expeditionary forces and herpetological discoveries in Antiquity

A number of impressive cases of armies confronted by venomous serpents in remote parts of the world are mentioned in ancient texts: from the eastern campaigns of Alexander and of Pompey to the expeditions led in Northern Africa, the Levant and Arabia, several recurring themes raise questions about the epistemological function of these military episodes. As well as traditional fears about the potential dangers of unknown territory, various aspects of these accounts are related to the discovery of knowledge about ophidians: an exploratory mission, the behaviour of the group, unfavourable circumstances, the presence or absence of medical specialists, information supplied by native people. This paper offers an overview of these different expeditions and of the ophidians discovered and explores the boundaries between legend, history and science. The study reveals that two types of situation generally occur: the armies are either confronted with truly dangerous species (Bungarus, Eristicophis macmahonii, Cerastes cerastes, Cerastes vipera), or they consider serpents which are in fact harmless to be harmful (Eryx jaculus, Coluber elegantissimus). Both situations serve to exaggerate the portrayal of this kind of encounter as catastrophic.

Scientific registers and knowledge adduced in Philumenus' About Venomous Beasts

This paper focuses on the structure and the issue of the Greek texts belonging to the discipline known as iology, and dealing with venomous animals and their bites/stings. Considering the treatise of Philumenus (About Venemous Beasts) and more generally the iologic corpus of prosaic works that form a coherent network (Aelius Promotus, Pseudo-Dioscorides) it scrutinizes the types of knowledge involved in these treaties and their relationship with medical and naturalist knowledge, especially in the case of the snakes. The organization and importance of the various data (naturalistic, toxicological, clinical, therapeutic and pharmacological), the name of the experts invoked in these texts and the role played by the author of the treatise help define the scientific and generic characteristics of this literature. “Treaties on venomous animals” are compilatory books that are strictly neither medical textbooks nor guides of herpetology, and they generally focus on clinical matters (even more than therapeutical). If they form a “genre”, it is determined as much by litterary practice and tradition as by a medical context and horizon.

Introduction to the ancient Greek system of snake naming: the ophionym dipsas and its synonyms

Most — if not all — names of both indigenous and exotic snakes as evidenced in ancient Greek were neither of Indo-european origin nor borrowed from foreign languages. They were coined by the Greeks on the basis of criteria of three types. The first and predominant type referred to zoological data (from morphology to behaviour, bio-ecology or zoogeography), the second one to venomous symptoms, the third one to anthropological features. In this insight, all three are defined, the first two are surveyed with the case study of the ophionym dipsas and its synonyms. For its linguistic, herpetological and iological contents, this case provides a representative example for introducing to the ancient Greek system of snake naming.

The grazing snake: weeds and snakes in Greek and Latin literatures

Lots of plants had names derived from the name of snakes in Antiquity. This fact can be connected with numerous legends or tales concerning snakes who eat grass or herbs, especially medicinal herbs. Particular notice should be taken of some testimonies about snakes whose temperament is modified by the herbs they are supposed to eat. Still, all this does not tell us why the Ancients have thought that snakes can eat plants; two different kinds of arguments can be brought to bear: first, the scattered elements of a theory of venom and temperament have played a part; secondly, Aristotelian texts show that the Ancients were aware of the fact that snakes eat preys that are very bulky compared to their own size, and this observation led them to lend to the snakes the reputation of being gluttonous. They have been henceforward believed to be able to eat anything, including grass. As a conclusion, we try to reflect on the implications of what is for us an example of an “impossible biology”, the like of which are not seldom in Ancient Science.

Snakes that drink water, wine, or blood: what do snakes drink according to ancient sources?

Are snakes thirsty? What do they drink? On both questions, ancient sources give contrasting responses, which sometimes apply to all Ophidians, sometimes only to some species. On the one hand, snakes were considered cold animals, so that they did not need to drink much, a deduction confirmed by the observation of captive specimens; in particular, this is Aristotle's view. On the other hand, poisonous snakes, especially the Viperidae, were thought to be rather warm and dry, because they are more virulent in the summer and because their venom makes one thirsty ; so they were more easily than others described as thirsty or wine lovers, in so far as wine was also considered hot and dry Another thirsty snake is the giant python snake of Indian and Ethiopian borders, supposed to attack the elephants in order to bleed them to death like a leech. Through these cases, the paper studies how reflections on the krasis of the different species of Ophidians developed in Antiquity from a disparate stock of legends, mythical representations and valid observations.

Symptomatology of Ophidian bites according to Brooklyn Papyrus no. 47.218.48–85: epistemological aspects of an ancient Egyptian text copied out at IV^th century B. C.E

This paper reconsiders the content of the ophiological Papyrus Brooklyn Museum no 47.218.48 and 85, edited by Serge Sauneron (1989), a remarkable document containing two treatises. The first one —*(Treatise entitled) symptomatology of snakes bites — consists of a catalogue of thirty-eight reptiles (including the Chameleon) whose bites are considered either as lethal, dangerous or having no consequences. The items include both a description and an analysis of bites. The second one is entitled Collection for making men extract venom of any male or female snake, of any scorpion, of any animal j(n)tš and any reptile, which is at the exorcist-of-Selkis' disposal, and which is used to expel any reptile as well as to seal their mouth. It consists of a group of prescriptions for treating non lethal bites. Moreover the author wonders about when this document has been copied (IV^th Century B.C.), the personality of its writer and the priestly background within which it was created. He specially puts the emphasis on the first treatise (complete translation), yet with regard to the second treatise by means of several tables so as to give an objective general survey concerning ancient Egyptian ophiological knowledge and how treatments were applied to snakes bites. The paper opens iatromagical and mythological perspectives showing that a specific link between Egypt and the Ophidian world was supposed to exist in Antiquity.

Snakes as a source of health: the use of their body in Graeco-Roman medical practices Authorities for this paper are principally the works by physicians, like Dioscorides, Aretaeus or Galen, and the books dealing with remedies in Pliny the Elder's Natural History. Ancient medicine prescribed treatments including the adder, but snakes without specification were also much employed and many other snakes, venomous or not, were also used, but less frequently than the adder, according to Pliny. Physicians needed the whole animal or some parts of it, like sloughing, fat, flesh, and sometimes head and gall. Curiously, despite their preference for the adder, they often tried to eliminate the venom during the preparation or use of the remedies, the venom indeed not being seen in the same light as it is now. Diseases were cured by application of the principle of “Let like be cured by like” (snake bites, skin illnesses, etc.) and using specific powers ascribed to snakes (for example: good sight to cure eye problems). Except for incorporating adder flesh pastilles in theriac, snakes were not a basic ingredient of the Greek and Roman physicians' pharmacopoeia, because there was an ambivalent attitude towards venom. Nevertheless, these animals seem to have been more frequently used in magic or in popular medicine, according to some texts by Pliny.

The lion-headed snake Chnoubis and Roman imperial magic

The radiated and lion-headed snake, designated by the name Chnoubis or Chnoumis, is one of the familiar figures of magical gems dating to the Roman imperial period. Different traditions — medical, astrological, relating to the quality of stones — attribute to this creature various therapeutic competences (against stomach troubles, for the protection of the uterus). This paper reviews the iconography of Chnoubis/Chnoumis which appears on different types of stones, often of a round shape, and examines the meaning and function of the so-called “Chnoubis sign”, a triple S with a horizontal stroke in the middle, often associated wirth the snake. We also review the different hypotheses relating to the origin of the figure, especially its relationship with Kenmet, the first decan of the lion, the primordial god Kematef (Kmeph), the ram-god Khnum and solar deities, as well as with other snakes like the Agathodaimon. This survey allows us to suggest how a decanic entity became a powerful solar deity, associated with the God of Israel, whose popularity survived Antiquity.

Serpent's tale in the Hittite world

The Hittites' universe is divided into three layers. First the upper world; secondly the earthly world; then the underground world. Each of them corresponds to a different animal: the Eagle is situated at the highest part of the universe, the Bee represents the earth and the Snake belongs to the underground world. The universe is symbolized by a magic tree whose snake encircles its roots. Mythology relates the cosmic fight between the Snake called Illuyanka and the Storm God that reflects the celestial world. The snake which is gifted with an outstanding strength manages to defeat the Storm God who will take his revenge thanks to and through his daughter Inara, Goddess of the wild world or with the illegal son he had with a human. The text dates back to the times of the old Hittite period (16^th cent. BC). A relief from Malatya that belongs to the 10^th cent. reminds us of this cosmic fight. In this relief the Storm God can be seen killing a giant snake with his spear.

The bearded snake: realities, beliefs and representations. The example of Athenian Zeus Meilichios

In Athens, on a series of votive steles discovered in Munychia, Zeus Meilichios is represented typically as the “bearded snake”, easily recognized by the appendix under the reptile's throat. This representation suggests the ambivalence of the contradictory values assumed by the god, benevolent and protective, but also fearsome and vengeful, as shown in an analysis of Athenian mythical and religious traditions. The same applies to various other divine or heroic figures. Thus this peculiarity seems to take on a symbolic meaning and one might see it as an iconic motif suggesting a dual identity. But, as in the case of the “cheek snake”, can this motif also be explained in reference to a real peculiarity, specific to a species of reptile known to the ancient Greeks ? The idea of a reference to a particular species of snake can enlighten and enrich our understanding of the “bearded snake” motif, without howewer enabling us to reach a definitive conclusion.

The hissing of the snake: how is it possible to set an inarticulate sound to music ?

For a Greek mind animal cries cannot be associated to human logos, for being inarticulate sounds. One of the best examples is the snake, whose cry is usually transcribed by the consonant [s], without any vocalizing. Therefore, snakes seem not to be musicians: melody is produced by vocals, according to Greek treatises on music. However, snakes are considered as musician animals by Greeks, like cicadas. The word syrigma, that Greeks used to define the hissing of the snake, means also the sound of the Pan flute. Moreover, Pytho's hissing becomes a theme of a musical composition that every musician has to make and to perform at the Pythian Games, the nomos pythikos: in one of its parts, he has to depict, with his Pythian aulos, the hissing Pytho gives when it is killed by Apollo's arrows. By consequence, he has to set to music something that is properly not musical.